Sunday, November 30, 2014

Interlude XXXVII. Foucault - part 17 - New triumph of madness



Intro & Preface & Contents

Previous: Interlude XXXVI. Foucault - part 16



From The Passion of Michel Foucault by James Miller...



Chapter 4 - The Castle of Murders cont...

...In traditional accounts, Tuke [William (1732-1822)] and Pinel [Philippe (1746-1826)] are portrayed as pioneers in the humane and enlightened treatment of the mentally ill. Tuke established an asylum in York, England, that was renowned for its bucolic setting and lack of physical restraints; Pinel at the height of the French Revolution liberated the inmates at BicĂȘtre, declaring, according to legend, that “these madmen are so intractable only because they have been deprived of air and freedom.”


In a radical reevaluation that would become characteristic of his work, Foucault cast a jaundiced eye on the reforms of both Tuke and Pinel, charging that what looks like progress is really an insidious new form of social control: thanks to their innovations, madness was “imprisoned in a moral world,” up to “our own day at least.”


Stressing Tuke’s Quaker background, Foucault documents his efforts to effect a moral reformation among his patients, in part by trying to teach religious principles, in part by placing the inmates under perpetual surveillance: “For the free terror of madness,” he charges, Tuke substituted “the enclosed anguish of responsibility.”


p114
Pinel, he contends, achieved a similar end with different means. In Pinel’s asylum, too, the absence of visible constraints signifies “not unreason liberated, but madness long since mastered,” through a disciplined regimen designed to inculcate a sense of repentance and remorse.


The result, charges Foucault, was all the more devastating for being largely invisible and unobtrusive: stripped of the aura of supernatural mystery, “the madman found himself purified of his animality, or at least that part of his animality that was violence, predation, rage, savagery.” Trying to make coercion and physical constraints needless, Tuke and Pinel aimed to produce “a docile animality.” The patients in Pinel’s asylum were ushered into “the calm world of the traditional virtues.” What under the ancien regime had been “a visible fortress of order” with tangible chains and spectacular punishments was turned into “the castle of our conscience...”


I can’t help, at this point, imagining a meeting of activists around the topic of asylum reform -- the kind of event that lead to the adoption of Care in the Community in so many places -- when the idealistic young reformers suddenly realize that Foucault, while opposing the status-quo, would be happy with a return to dungeons and outright torture. Perhaps this scene could be played to the Monty Python tune (but with new lyrics) of “I’m a Lumberjack.”



From this perspective, Pinel’s “liberation” has, as Foucault stresses in a passage of the most profound personal resonance, “a paradoxical meaning. The dungeon, the chains, the continual spectacle, the sarcasms were, to the sufferer in his delirium, the very element of his freedom.” In chains, the madman “could not be dislodged from his immediate truth.” But once the chains were taken away, and the madman inserted into a system of virtue, internalized in his conscience, he found himself confined anew, “in the limited use of an empty freedom.... Henceforth more genuinely confined than he could have been in a dungeon and chains, a prisoner of nothing but himself, the sufferer was caught in a relation to himself that was of the order of transgression, and in a nonrelation to others that was of the order of shame.” Society in this way is made to seem innocent: “The guilt is shifted inside.”


Unless the man called “mad” could somehow shift back the burden of guilt, there was no escape from this joyless, eternally repeated cycle of transgression and shame: “He feels himself punished, and he sees the sign of his innocence in that fact; free from all physical punishment, he must prove himself guilty.” Caught in just this cycle of transgression, Pinel’s symbolic “other,” Sade, also cannot escape: the Castle of Murders, like the Castle of Conscience, is a figure of confinement. The violence of Sade’s transgression promises pain as much as pleasure: resurrecting the “glory” of torture and physical punishment in a mad effort to recover the innocent freedom of Nature, the libertine is caught in “the endlessly repeated nonexistence of gratification.”


I have to point out here that A Clockwork Orange by Anthony Burgess was published the year after Madness and Civilization. One could certainly see the character Alex as a Foucaultean hero.




p115
The theoretical assumptions behind this account, which yokes together morality and cruel impulses, guilt and a murderous kind of transgression, Foucault most clearly elaborated in an essay published in 1962. “In every culture there exists a coherent series of gestures of division,” Foucault writes, reiterating a central theme of Madness and Civilization. But “gestures of division” like “the delimitation of madness” and “the prohibition of incest” are inherently ambiguous: “the moment they mark a limit, they create the space of a possible transgression.” This is a timeless possibility: there is no limit that cannot be breached, no law that cannot be broken. Yet the field of possible transgression is always historically specific: every epoch “forms what one can call a ‘system of the transgressive.’ Properly speaking, this space coincides neither with the illegal nor the criminal, neither with the revolutionary, the monstrous nor the abnormal, not even with the sum total of all these deviant forms; but each of these terms designates at least an angle.”


This reminds me of Bataille’s human sacrifice club and that story (which is not in Chrome Yellow) where a character attempts to do something so vile it will summon Satan and thus prove the existence of God.



Acts of “transgression” may put a human being in touch with the chaotic power that Nietzsche called Dionysian; but no act of transgression can escape its origins in a historical field that, in crucial part, motivates, defines -- and insofar as the object of transgression is to tap the untamed energy of transcendence -- (de)forms it. “Transgression, then, is not related to the limit as black and white, the prohibition to the lawful, the outside to the inside, or as the open area of a building to its enclosed spaces. Rather, their relationship takes the form of a spiral which no simple infraction can exhaust.”


The individual with mad impulses will thus discover that his or her struggle to express the self disclosed in the unreason of dreams and delirium is implicated, like it or not, in a specific, typically modern “system of the transgressive,” a kind of negative mirror image of the positive system of humanist virtue introduced by social reformers like Pinel.


To become what one is now requires, in Foucault’s view, casting one’s fate with those tragic figures, from Sade to Nietzsche and Artaud, who have resisted the “gigantic moral imprisonment” symbolized, in Madness and Civilization, by Tuke and Pinel. To escape from the Castle of Conscience, we must first enter into a Castle of Murders: against the alleged virtues inculcated by the psychiatrists, transgression will unleash vice; against philanthropic kindness, vengeful cruelty; against a docile animality, a seething lust for corporeal sensation, no matter how painful or self-destructive.


p116
This descent into the Inferno is obviously no upbeat “liberation.” Entering Sade’s dungeon of dreams, the human being becomes, both figuratively and literally, a “prisoner of the passage,” “a slave of desires and the servant of the heart.” For the madman, whether confined in a castle or free to set sail, is “bound fast at the infinite crossroads” -- specifically, the “infinite crossroads” of history.


“Captive in the human heart, hammered into it, madness can formulate that which was at the outset true of man,” but it can never return “to the native land,” it cannot recapture the liberty of an untrammeled transcendence, the ding-an-sich of Kant’s pure freedom. Indeed, the experience of madness, like that of dreams, reveals “the knot that ties freedom to the necessity of the world.”


But there is more. By exhaustively documenting how the posers of transcendence called mad are tethered by cultural forms beyond the human being’s control, Foucault’s account suggests that the notions of guilt and responsibility formulated by modern philosophers from Kant to Sartre are radically mistaken: “Everything that has been formulated as the truth of man passes over to the side of irresponsibility.” The kind of “experience’ explored by Bataille and Blanchot, Foucault will later assert in The order of Things, discloses through “repetition” an “original innocence” -- a mark of the human being’s “finitude (trapped in the opening and bondage of that finitude).”

Nietzsche, too, in Human, All Too Human (first published in 1878), had hypothesized that every human being was a “necessary consequence” of an almost unintelligibly complex web of factors “assembled from the elements and influence of things past and present.” A human being’s character was not unalterable, according to Nietzsche: the capacity of transcendence he called “will to power meant that a person could always, to some extent, start anew. Still, “during the brief lifetime of a man” Nietzsche supposed that “the effective motives are unable to scratch deeply enough to erase the imprinted script of many millennia.” Much about, “what one was” could simply not be changed, try as one might. “Trapped in the opening and bondage” of a history, the will was never entirely free. Viewed without the blinkers of traditional moral philosophy, the individual, Nietzsche thought, could therefore “be made accountable for nothing, not for his nature, not for his motives, nor for his actions, nor for the effects he produces.” The man who deviated from the norm, Nietzsche stressed, was particularly blameless: for in such cases, “our tame, mediocre, emasculated society” often took “the strong human being and made him sick.” Feelings of shame were unwarranted, Guilt was a figment of the Judeo-Christian tradition, a crippling fiction, buried deep in the body, coded in “the imprinted script of many millenia.”


Compare that idea with this interesting passage, one of Paloma’s “Profound Thoughts,” from The Elegance of the Hedgehog by Muriel Barbery:


...humans live in a world where it’s words and not deeds that have power, where the ultimate skill is mastery of language. This is a terrible thing because basically we are primates who’ve been programmed to eat, sleep, reproduce, conquer and make our territory safe, and the ones who are most gifted at that, the most animal types among us, always get screwed by the others, the fine talkers, despite these latter being incapable of defending their own garden or bringing a rabbit home for dinner or procreating properly. Humans live in a world where the weak are dominant. This is a terrible insult to our animal nature, a sort of perversion or a deep contradiction.

p117
The “ethical point of view” expressed in Madness and Civilization may now be summarized briefly:


-- It is not immoral to be convulsed by singular fantasies and wild impulses; such limit-experiences are to be valued as a way of winning back access to the occluded, Dionysian dimension of being human.


--It is not a human being’s fault if these impulses, confined and regimented, have been driven inward and transmogrified, creating potentially murderous new impulses. The insane and volatile configuration of these impulses today is a legacy of the history of confinement and moral reproach recounted in the pages of Madness and Civilization.


The man called “mad” is innocent.


It is society that is guilty.


From the West Side Story song “Officer Krupke” (1957):


JETS
We're disturbed, we're disturbed,
We're the most disturbed,
Like we're psychologic'ly disturbed.


DIESEL: (Spoken, as Judge) In the opinion of this court, this child is depraved on account he ain't had a normal home.


ACTION: (Spoken) Hey, I'm depraved on account I'm deprived.


DIESEL: So take him to a headshrinker.




And, Foucault adds, it is the peculiar burden of every modern “work” forged from an engagement with the daimonic and delirious to hold society accountable for its crimes.


Lonely, strange, and alien, desperately trying to rescue from oblivion the animal energies of being human, the works of Sade, Holderlin, Nerval, Nietzsche, Van Gogh, Roussel, and Artaud of necessity issue in a frenzy of cruel and morbid fantasies, before lapsing into the silence of madness -- or the suicidal embrace of death. That is the tragedy of these works, but also their harrowing power: “by the madness which interrupts it,” such liminal works keep alive the possibility, for all those who come thoughtfully into contact with them, of a liminal experience, laying open for shared inspection, Foucault asserts, “a void, a moment of silence, a question without answer,... a breach without reconciliation,” where “the world is made aware of its guilt.”


Now I'm hearing the strains of Beethoven's Ode to Joy from A Clockwork Orange.



“Ruse and new triumph of madness,” Foucault concludes with a flourish: for “the world that thought to measure and justify madness through psychiatry must {now} justify itself before madness.” And “nothing” in our own placidly civilized world of humane virtues -- especially “not what it can know of madness” through the lives and works of its tortured votaries -- “assures the world that it is justified by such works of madness.”


I’m at a disadvantage here as I’m limited, for the most part, to the information Miller chooses to give me, and Miller is telling a particular story -- one that I’m enjoying, so far. But I’m surprised there hasn’t been any mention of cultural anthropology. If you are writing about how culture deals with “madness,” wouldn’t you be interested in other than European cultures? I’ve already spoken of the post-WW2 years as a “golden age” of cultural anthropology, so there must be something written about how diverse cultures far out of the European tradition deal with such things. I don’t have any information myself, but I expect I will be looking into it at some point if Foucault and Miller don’t get to it here.


Madness and Civilization was published in May of 1961. In 1964 Foucault edited a “radically abridged” version suitable for a mass market paperback. This is the version that was translated into English in 1965. The book was generally well received (though it did not become “popular” in the way Sartre’s Being and Nothingness had. It was, however, savaged by Foucault’s former student, Jacques Derrida. I don’t find Derrida’s criticism very interesting, but he did suggest that Foucault might have written the book, “in the confessed terror of going mad...”


p120
...Years later , Gilles Deleuze, who probably knew Foucault as well as anyone, said much the same thing, remarking that Foucault used the study of history “as a means of not becoming mad...”


p122
[From a new appendix to the second edition of Madness and Civilization (1972)] “Some day perhaps man will no longer know what madness was.” Foucault declares. And on that day, “Artaud will belong to the soil of our language and no longer to its breaking point.”


If Artaud’s kind of delirious creativity were to become a key to the enigma of being human, rather than a threat that must be somehow confined, “everything that we today feel shaped by the limit, or by the uncanny, or by the intolerable” -- from the most untamed of impulses to the wildest of fantasies -- might somehow, Foucault speculates, be “transferred to the serenity of positive things.” If that were to happen, what now seems “exterior” -- dreaming, intoxication, the uninhibited pursuit of pleasure -- might “indicate our very selves.”


A hidden fantasy is lurking here. In a different kind of world, one free of the infernal recurrence of transgression and guilt, perhaps the poet on stage that night in 1947 would not have acted like a drowning man. Perhaps he would not have experienced his own most inescapable impulses as cruel, violent, insanely self-destructive. Perhaps he would no longer have suffered for being what he was....

I have to wonder if Foucault, longing for an artistic world without suffering, is any more reasonable than Settembrini was. I think in the past I’ve put the question of the artistic and philosophical advantage -- or necessity -- as Mann does, in terms of illness. But suffering might be the better, more inclusive, term. Whether it is the body, the mind, or the soul that’s not at ease, the end result is still suffering. Is a happy Artaud still the artist Artaud? Does the clam free of irritation still produce a pearl?



Saturday, November 29, 2014

Interlude XXXVI. Foucault - part 16

Meet the Marquis de Sade


Intro & Preface & Contents

Previous: Interlude XXXV. Foucault - part 15



From The Passion of Michel Foucault by James Miller...



Chapter 4 - The Castle of Murders cont...

p110
...In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the sustained effort, in the name of enlightened psychiatry, to quarantine, cast out, and “confiscate insanity has helped create a monstrous new “system of the transgressive.” Isolated and confined, the impulses called “mad” now boil and seethe as “the strange contradiction of human appetites” the complicity of desire and murder, of cruelty and the longing to suffer, of sovereignty and slavery, of insult and humiliation.” [I'm having a hard time finding a good definition of the way "sovereignty" is being used here. This is about the closest I've found.] As it has done eternally, “unreason continues to watch by night; but in this vigil it joins with fresh powers. The nonbeing it once was now becomes the power to annihilate.” The shadowy truth and tragic promise of madness is now expressed in “the insane dialogue of love and death” -- a dialogue inaugurated by the Marquis de Sade.


"One could say, in an approximate manner,” explains Foucault, “that up until the Renaissance, the ethical world” -- and particularly those figures of madness who existed “beyond the division between Good and Evil” -- experienced a kind of “equilibrium” of “tragic unity, which was that of destiny or providence and the divine predilection.” But in the eighteenth century, this unity was shattered, almost beyond recall, “dissociated by the decisive division between reason and unreason. A crisis of the ethical world begins, which doubles the great conflict between Good and Evil by the irreconcilable conflict between reason and unreason.” Excommunicated, unreason comes to comprise “a field of experience doubtless too secret to be formulated in clear terms, too reproved as well. from the Renaissance to our own modern epoch. to have been permitted the right of expression.” No longer treated as a revelation of the world and its shadowy powers, linked instead to immorality on the one hand and the scientific understanding of mental illness on the other, madness becomes a “human fact,” associated with such specific social types as the pervert and the homosexual.


p111
In this account, Sade becomes a pivotal figure, embodying simultaneously the close of the Age of Reason and the dawn of our own modern era. Sade after all was a victim of the classical practice of confining the mad indiscriminately with criminals, prostitutes, delinquents, the poor. For much of his life, he was in prison, at first for raping and allegedly poisoning several young women, later for the crime of writing Justine and Juliette, works that gave evidence, officials declared, of “licentious insanity.” “It is no accident,” writes Foucault, “that sadism, as an individual phenomenon bearing the name of a man, was born of confinement and, within confinement, that Sade's entire work is dominated by the images of the Fortress, the Cell, the Cellar, the Convent, the inaccessible Island, which thus form, as it were, the natural habitat of unreason.” That this habitat is, in fact, unnatural and historically contingent Foucault has already demonstrated: the image of the Ship of Fools, sailing the empty expanse of an untamed exteriority, offers the starkest possible contrast.

He has asserted this but has he really demonstrated or proved it?

At the same time, Sade, for Foucault, expresses a distinctly modern idea of “tragic experience,” thus blazing a path later followed by Friedrich Holderlin, Gerard de Nerval, Friedrich Nietzsche, Vincent Van Gogh, Raymond Roussel, and Antonin Artaud -- a philosopher, a painter, and four poets; three of whom committed suicide; all of whom, like Sade, were at some time in their lives officially declared “mad."


"After Sade,” contends Foucault, “unreason belongs to whatever is decisive, for the modern world, in every work; that is, in every work that admits of the murderous and coercive.” In contact with such works, “man communicates with what is deepest in himself, and most solitary,” rediscovering “the most internal, and at the same time the most savagely free of forces.” It is this enigmatic power that apparently erupts in the “limitless application of the right of death” in Sade. It figures as well in “the bold joy of life” Holderlin found in the death of his tragic hero Empedocles, [but see also here] who, fleeing “to Nature's heart,” “flung himself down into the glorious flames” of Mount Etna, It is perhaps the same dark force that surfaces in the suicidal delirium of Nerval's last night, in the black crows swirling in Van Gogh's last painting, in the murmuring “repetition of death” in Roussel's writing, in the shrieks and tortured sobs of Artaud's final appearance on stage in 1947. [No Nietzsche?]


p112
As this litany suggests, madness, in its modern apotheosis, contains all “the ambiguity of chaos and apocalypse.” For the fascination with cruelty, torture, and death is “a sign that Nature is lacerating herself, that she has reached the extreme point of her dissension.” Dreaming of the charred corpses littering Sade's premonition of Auschwitz -- or enjoying the “unspeakably pleasurable sensations” of dangling from a noose and watching life slip away -- Nature as it were reveals “a sovereignty which is both herself and something quite outside herself: the sovereignty of a mad heart that has attained, in its solitude, the limits of the world that wounds it, that turns it against itself and abolishes it at the moment when to have mastered it so well gives it the right to identify itself with that world.


Yeah...

...in the “insane dialogue between life and death,” Foucault discovers an untamed power of “total contestation,” a mad form of being that calls into question the very roots of modern culture: “Everything that morality, everything that a botched society, has stifled in man, revives in the castle of murders.


An amazing claim -- so strange that few readers of Madness and Civilization have lingered over it, or tried to fathom its implications. [Speculation, though probably true] Perhaps it is fortunate that the hermetic style leaves shrouded in mystery just what Foucault has in mind. [Fortunate for who? Foucault? who fails to make whatever point he was trying to make?] As a figment of autobiographical allegory, on the other hand, Foucault’s proposition could not be more richly suggestive. For Sade of course speaks directly to the substance of Foucault’s own singular “madness” -- his unrelenting fascination with death. In an interview years later... Foucault spoke with rare candor about the origins and personal significance of Madness and Civilization. Like all of his books, it was, he confided, a means of “realizing direct, personal experiences.” “I had had a personal, complex, and direct relationship with madness,” he explained... “and also with death.”


p113
But the work, he goes on, referring explicitly to Blanchot, is itself meant to provoke, in the reader as it did in the writer, an “experience” in its own right, an experience that upsets our preconceptions, forcing us to see the world in a new light: “The book constituted for me -- and for those who read or used it -- a transformation in the relationship that we have with madness (as this is marked historically, theoretically, and also from an ethical point of view).”


The book’s message to historians is clear enough: after reading Madness and Civilization, it is impossible... to write a history of mental illness that assumes madness is a biological given. The book’s theoretical impact is equally obvious: it calls into question the scientific status not only of classical but also of modern psychiatry...


Miller is fond of ending sections, and not a few paragraphs, with rhetorical devices pushing the reader into the next paragraph or section. I have mostly ignored these devices since they mostly ask questions that are then answered, and it is the answer that is of interest. But I now realize, after reading the above paragraphs, that there is one question that he’s repeated that I shouldn’t have ignored. Here it is: “...one... imagines Foucault’s Nietzschean Demon posing again the curious question: ‘How did I become what I am and why do I suffer so from being what I am?’” Foucault’s interest in “madness” is clearly not disinterested. He is plowing this particular intellectual field for personal reasons and bringing to this work a very unique perspective. I say this not to dismiss him, but to call attention to the value he brings to the subject because he is able to stand at a leverage point, remote to the average person. (That’s a reference to Archimedes, if I wasn’t clear enough). If I may invoke virtual-synaesthesia again, there is both a value and some qualifications that should go along with his analysis of madness. (The very careful prose of a synesthete who can taste words, might posses a certain charm for the normal reader, or it might just be vague, elliptical, or convoluted).




Friday, November 28, 2014

Interlude XXXV. Foucault - part 15

Visionary historiography + Tule fog




Intro & Preface & Contents

Previous: Interlude XXXIV. Foucault - part 14




From The Passion of Michel Foucault by James Miller...



Chapter 4 - The Castle of Murders cont...


Visionary historiography.


p108
... in the years immediately after the publication of Madness and Civilization, Foucault periodically discussed the possibility of writing a novel. That it never happened is a testimony to Foucault’s love of historical research: he found a special pleasure in anchoring his work in the dense, complex realities of the past revealed in archives and documents.


p109
“Reality is frighteningly superior to all fiction,” as Artaud once put it. “All you need is the genius to know how to interpret it.” ...


He proceeded, one supposes, by letting his mind wander in the archives: for the modern library, as he once put it, had created a new and historically unprecedented “imaginative space.” While turning page after page of a dusty old manuscript, a scholar might meet his daimon as surely and unmistakably as when he fell asleep. “The imaginary now resides between the book and the lamp,” Foucault asserted in an essay written in 1964: “We no longer bear the fantastic in our heart” alone. “To dream it is no longer necessary to close our eyes -- only to read. The true image springs from knowledge: that of words spoken in the past, of exact recensions, of masses of detailed information, of infinitesimal fragments of monuments, of reproductions of reproductions.” All these “phenomena of the library,” Foucault concludes, provoke an “experience,” putting one in touch with “the power of the impossible” -- and also revealing the documentary basis for elaborating a distinctive modern kind of surrealist historiography that is, simultaneously, a throwback to a premodern era when myth and magic still shaped the stories people told about the past.


Now I see why Fernand Braudel had good things to say about him.


The historian at grips with his daimon through the heterogeneous media of archival documents and his own “inner experience” becomes, in effect, a visionary -- “the individual who sees and who recounts from the starting point of his sight.” Pronouncing “afresh so many words that had been muffled,” he may even resurrect the experience of the limit, and enunciate anew the normally mute Dionysian dimension of being human, evoking it through images, in the parade of figures that fills the pages of his own book. He thus makes of his text a kind of vessel, offering free passage, through its cargo of words, to “the truthful precipitate of dreams,” conveying “the very essence of man.


Perhaps this is another thing I have in common with Foucault, the pleasure of mining texts for what is of value to me. If the text is historical or philosophical or fictional, really makes little difference. What attracts the eye depends on so many things, and the strange connections you find form their own paths to still other ideas. I have an advantage over Foucault in that I'm not writing for an academic audience -- I can make my own rules (this is both an advantage and a disadvantage, of course). The other advantage I have is the Internet, which makes it easier to find all sorts of things -- though there are disadvantages here as well.


Yet another advantage is that, while Foucault was attempting to appeal to both an academic and a popular audience, I'm interested in neither (and succeeding remarkably in attracting neither). It would seem that I have an odd sort of personal daimon, one with issues, perhaps.

I need to mention that I'm writing this in yet another cafe, one of my two favorite locations of the (second) best French bakery cafe in town. The place is pretty packed on a sunny Sunday afternoon after the first storm of the season. The neighborhood is one of the best in town, with lots of young, well-to-do families living in mostly Victorian houses. As in most of the other popular, valley neighborhoods in town, there is a strange abundance of children for a city that supposedly drives families away. All this because I just have to say how odd it is to read about the kinkier aspects of Bataille and Foucault while surrounded by (mostly well behaved) children. Of course Foucault's childhood was probably spent in historically similar surroundings. How early can you spot the future Foucaults, I wonder.

I'm cutting this part a bit short because the Marquis de Sade is up next.


Tule fog.


This morning I looked out my windows over the garden, and the high-rise towers that usually loom in the background were gone. Well, not “gone” of course, but concealed by the first real Tule fog of the season. What is known locally as Tule fog is a fog that rises off the water, the bay for the most part, as opposed to the summer fog that blows in off the ocean. Often the Tule fog just affects the bridges and boats on the bay, but this morning the entire area is subject to its magic. From the window of my old 29th floor apartment, on days like this, I could look out on a clear blue sky and other towers glittering in the sun, but of the streets below I could see nothing. The city seemed to consist only of cloud and the occasional tower.

This is the type of (radiation) fog that, when combined with the smoke from innumerable coal fires, resulted in the London “pea-soup” fogs Henry Ryecroft writes about. Here they are not nearly so sinister.